Series of violence in the Kandh tribal populated Kandhamal district of Orissa province put India under pressure from international Christian communities and leadership. Shaken by the pressure union government of India diverted it towards the state of Orissa with an advisory to bring the communal tension under control at the earliest possible at any cost. A directive from the Supreme Court of India was also served to the state government to explain its stand on the series of violence and take immediate steps to bring the situation under control.

The government of Orissa asked Centre for more companies of Paramilitary Forces for immediate deployment in Kandhamal in order to suppress the violence. By now over 43 companies of Paramilitary forces have been deployed in the district of Kandhamal. But the situation is still tensed as incidents of violence in rural Kandhamal are still a regular affair.

Delegations from state and centre expressed their concern regarding the eruption of violence in the tribal populated district Kandhamal and expressed condolence for the deceased. Keeping in view the forthcoming municipal elections and the general polls little ahead, political parties made it an issue for their benefit.

But there was no comment from anybody – be it activists or political delegation or an *****istrative delegation – regarding why such violence has been occurring almost regularly in different backward poverty stricken districts of the state. Everybody expected a quick pacification of tension and eradication of violence without even hinting upon resolving the issues that have been acting as factors for the violence.

Caste Conflict and Kandhamal

Kandhamal is home to caste conflict since early nineties of the last century. The conflict is between the Kandha (Scheduled Tribe) tribal community and the Panas (Scheduled Caste) who are given SC status. After split of the old district ‘Boudh – Phulbani’ into two separate districts, the conflict looked like a caste war in which about 40 people lost their lives and the district was renamed into Kandhamal to cool down the agitated Kandh tribal population and restore peace in the district. The district looked normal for quite a long period from outside but the caste hatred remained as it is looking for a spark only to erupt.

The second major violence occurred on the eve of 2007 Christmas day on the issue of the temporary structure erected by the Christians for x-mass celebration. The incident occurred in Christian populated Daringbadi block on few teasing remarks made by some of the Christian members towards the Hindus most of whom are ST or Adivasis. The violence soon turned into a caste war with the tribals of the district marching on the main road of Phulbani – the district head quarter town – violating curfew imposed by the *****istration.

The recent violence started from 25th August as a reaction to the killing of Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati – the Hindu leader working to unite the Kandh and Kui tribals against the conversion activities pursued by the Christian Missionaries apart from many other welfare activities meant for empowering the tribal communities in the district. In rest of Orissa, the reaction was communal; but in Kandhamal, started against Christians, the violence seems to have become a caste war again as most of the deceased happen to be from Pana Community or SCs although stray incidents like attacking tribal Christians occurred in very few places.

The fact of caste conflict in the name of Communal Violence came to notice after visiting the relief centres operating in Tikabali, Chakapada and G. Udaygiri Blocks. Many Hindu Panas were living in the relief centres as the agitators – mainly tribal community members of their own village – attacked, looted and torched their houses. Same thing we saw in Bastingia and Dalagaon villages of Beheragaon Gram Panchayat where the houses of Panas were torched by group of tribal women and youth in broad day light. The agitated group didn’t even touch the Oriya Sahi of Bastingia village where mostly Non-SC Non-ST outsider Oriya people live in. These not-targeted outsiders work as informers to the rioters in many cases.
 
While talking to some tribal people of Chakapada, they just started calling the particular SC community as traitors, exploiters and grabbers of benefits meant for the tribal communities of the district. It seemed, the tribals of Kandhamal have set their hidden agenda to eliminate the particular SC community from the district, and the *****istration must be well aware of the fact as the tribals have openly expressed their anguish before the *****istration against the Pana community on many occasions.

Historicity of hatred

The panas and the Kandhas have been living together since centuries at least before the British officials and missionaries ventured into the district and found the heinous Meriah practiced by the Kandhas. As the Kandhas never use anybody of their own community as a Meriah, the Panas (now SCs) acted as brokers who were supplying Meriah child to the tribal communities.

As quoted from British government reports and documents by historian Dasarathi Swaro in his thesis ‘The Christian Missionaries in Orissa’ (Punthi Pustak, Calcutta, 1990, page 131), “The Kandhas purchased the (Meriah) victims. Unless bought with a price, they were not deemed acceptable to the goddess (earth – Taru Pennu). Victims from their own tribe were not procurable. The agents, mainly Panas – a clever and business like people lived with the Khonds and cheated the Khonds in all possible way, sometimes purchased but more frequently kidnapped the children (from outside plains) whom they sold to the Khonds. They occasionally (even) sold their own offspring without any hesitation.”

By their characteristic features, the Kandhas are basically a bold and fitfully labourious mountain peasantry of simple, upright in their conduct, sincere in their superstitions, proud of their position as land holders tenacious of their rights. This has been observed even by Britishers like Capt Macpherson.

Initially when the missionaries came to the place, called Khondistan or Agency Area that time, they found the Panas – now called SCs – notorious, greedy and exploitative and also held the Panas primarily responsible for existence of the Meriah tradition as they were supplying Meriah victims. The British *****istration also acted hard on the panas and rescued Meriahs from the houses of Panas and the tribal villages as well. It could be to either escape from any hard action from the British government or to keep safe from the reaction of the Kandh tribal community after it became impossible to supply Meriah to the community villages, the Panas gradually came close to the Christian missionaries and got converted into Christians. However, the conversion of Panas into Christianity started from there.

The Kandha tribal communities who were committed to their religion and sincere to their religion and superstitious practices couldn’t accept the Panas who opted to take on Christianity leaving their old religion. So, once living together the Kandhas started hating the Christian Panas blaming them as traitors to their old religion and the society as well.

After taking on Christianity, the Panas became close to the missionaries and the British *****istration as well and notoriously started grabbing the land which was owned by the tribal communities before. This was the major reason of caste conflict because the Kandhas had been seeing the total landscape their own and they had given some land to the Panas to live and supply Meriah as per requirement.

The practice of land grabbing and exploitation went on even after independence of India as most of the Panas got into various government jobs because of their education through missionary support. So, the enmity for the Panas increased in the Kandh and Kui tribal communities. However, the tribal children gradually got education and the educated tribal youth new the laws of the land and its own rights.

The limit of patience in the tribal communities breached when the SCs (Panas) tried to brand them as Kui tribal on linguistic basis claiming them as Kui speaking people. Kui is the language of the Kandhas and a group of the tribe is called in the name of their language.

Looking at the issue from a legal perspective, Senior practitioner and former Advocate General Jayant Dash is of the opinion that ‘the reason why SCs might have attempted to get a tribal status is because, as per Indian Constitution, SCs are no more subjected to enjoy the status of SC once they convert themselves into other religious sect as caste system doesn’t exist outside Hindu religious system. The converted SCs can enjoy their caste status only after they come back to the fold of Hinduism. But the tribals enjoy the ST status even after conversion as constitutionally they are believed to be animists by practice’.

‘To enjoy the privilege entitled for SCs, many of the SC families remain Hindu by record but Christian by practice where as many of the SC families converted into Christianity are coming back to the Hindu fold just to enjoy the benefits of their SC status’, observes senior journalist and social activist from Kandhamal district Ashok Parida.

However, the attempt to bag an ST status for the community broke the ice and the Tribal communities openly expressed their anguish before the *****istration. Looking at the reaction, the government declared not to give the Panas an ST status. Hundreds of government employees who had joined on the basis of false tribal certificates were dismissed. But these steps couldn’t bring the SCs into the trust of the Tribal communities.

Socio-economic factors behind Envy and Enmity

Conflict between the Panas and Kandhas of Kandhamal district became strong with increasing socio – economic gap between the communities.

The Pana community of which majority have been converted to Christianity are educationally and economically much ahead of the Kandhas because of their church and missionary link. As per social activist and analyst Panchanan Mishra who heads an NGO that works for the development of tribals and people living in hilly regions, ‘the Christian community members are provided with all kinds of support by the church itself or other organisation having a church link or back up in time of emergency. Where as, the Kandh tribals who hate changing their religion are neither getting any immediate support from their community or the government machinery. In such times, they come across the realities of government’s high sounding tribal development policies which make them envious of the other community that is supported by the community and church as well.’

As per a senior journalist Ashok Parida, ‘in case of emergencies like epidemics or health hazards, the nuns or health workers from churches attend the Christian patients and their families only and do not attend to the tribal patient living next door. The tribal patient is forced to wait till a government aid reaches the place which hardly happens in time. So, it’s not the non-Christian Kandhas only who differentiates itself from the Christian community but the church and Christian communities also has a role in promoting social discrimination, even in difficult situations. Such attitude of churches and missionaries widens the gap and strengthens the communal hatred’.

Traditionally, the Panas have been in a better financial state in compare to the Kandhas as, from the beginning, they acted as agents for supplying Meriah primarily and other essential goods against handsome return. They are the oldest business community of the district. Now also they are flourishing because of their church link that ensures quality education and a better future for their children which a non-Christian tribal can’t afford to. So, most of the tribal children attend government schools where quality education is almost a day dream.

The Kandhs are basically a laborious peasantry community depending upon agriculture, forest produces and hunting to earn their livelihood and are financially poor. After hunting is banned and most of the forest produces came under government control, the tribals of the district have been converted into labourers and depend on various government programmes and other works to earn their livelihood. although government at the centre and the state are high sounding about the development of tribals and other dalit communities, the visibility of the programmes in the field is very much poor. Similar is the situation in Kandhamal. Whatever programmes are implemented, the benefits are still to reach the Kandh and Kui tribals.

Most of the local intellectuals and researchers have a similar opinion in this regard. As to them, the caste conflict is mainly ruled by the economic gap between the two castes that results in lots of social differences also.

With sustained conversion activities pursued by Christian Missionaries and a reactive opposition and re-conversion drives by the saffron outfits, that were led by Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati till his death, the caste conflict has now received a communal colour from both religious leadership. As over 85% of the SCs are converted into Christianity and a negligible percent of the tribal population goes by the conversion drives initiated by the churches operating in Kandhamal, a caste conflict obviously looks communal when it occurs in Kandhamal.

Police and Paramilitary Forces - Are they truly helping?

The police and central reserve police forces (CRPF) deployed in Kandhamal to restore peace have become the reasons of further hostility in the district. As per the tribal communities, the police is picking up innocent tribal members just to show the number of arrests in connection to the communal violence that has lingered over a period of 45 days. The innocent members are being beaten up in the police stations to make them finally admit their involvement in the riot even though they do not have. The anger among the tribal communities against the Police and Paramilitary Forces is growing as both the forces have an oppressive approach.

The anger has grown to such an extent that few tribals in Sishapanga village of Raikia block killed a member of Central Reserve Police. There have also been complains about regular assult and sexual abuse by the CRPF members to the women and girls staying in the temporary relief camps and nearby villages. In one case one lady fainted in a relief camp allegedly after abusive attempt by a CRPF member. So the force deployment has rather worsened the situation.

Formula of sustaining Peace - Not Force deployment but Development

Huge force deployment, as pursued by Orissa government at the point, would suppress the violence for a temporary period if the socio-economic issues are not addressed properly. The state government and the *****istration must understand the history of conflict in the district and realise its background to develop policies for establishing peace in the district. The major aspect to be examined for a long term solution and establishment of sustaining peace is the way to minimise the economic gap between the two caste communities living in the district.

During the violence when we asked the local *****istration about the reason of such lingering violence they pointed at the poor communication facilities in the interior parts of the district and large number of huge size trees on both sides of the roads which are cut by the tribal people to block the road and torch the houses they target. By the time rapid action forces reach the place and clear the road the attackers leave the place after ransacking and setting houses and other structures afire.

It’s definitely a shame to come across the fact of poor communication facilities in a tribal populated district even after 61 years of freedom.

The other issues are development works and generating employment opportunities for the poor people living in the district. The fact of poor economic status of the tribal people in the district came to notice on the day of Revenue Minister’s visit to the Tikabali relief centre. Tribal families demanded for lifting of curfew t enable them work and earn their livelihood and provide them with relief as they had no food in their house to consume. Assuring people to look after the issues the Revenue Minister left the place. Then thousands of tribal women marched toward the relief centres. Without knowing the purpose of their march police forces opened lathi charge on the women causing injury to at least 50 women out of which 10 suffered serious injury. And the irony of the incident was, male police members started beating the tribal women.

This incident drew severe reaction from the tribal communities of Kandhamal and in next two days, over 5000 tribal women gathered at the Block office and police station in Ghumushar Udaygiri and raised the same demands. These incidents suggest how the state government has grossly failed in proper implementation of development as well as employment generation programmes in the district.

With the boom in media industry in India, News has become a product to be consumed by the readers and viewers and thus sold in terms of attracting revenue by boosting circulation and TRP (Television Rating Point) than providing pure information to aware the mass and empower them. In most cases, news is determined on the basis of public craze, not requirement. This fact of Indian journalism has led to over emphasis on Sensational, Political and Crime Reporting. Today, Crime reports have taken a major place in Newspapers, Magazines, portals and also TV News Channels. This trend in Indian media has hardly helped checking crimes in the society but has definitely made substantial contributions in creating some dons out of petty criminals.

Among the recent cases is the murder case of Judo Coach Biranchi Das in Bhubaneswar of Orissa that took place on 13 April 2008. Since the day it happened, both police and media treated it as a high profile murder case as Biranchi Das was the man who made a slum child Budhia Singh the youngest marathoner to be featured in the Limca Book of records. This achievement as a coach also pushed him into regular controversies on charges of ‘using a child like Budhia Singh for personal achievement and popularity’ and ‘misappropriating the donation money came to the trust made in the name of child marathoner Budhia Singh’ of which Biranchi was the managing trustee and chief operator.

The first to bring the news to public were TV News channels who not only carried the news as a shocking information but presented the story as a sensational one both in its nature and in terms of visuals. Almost all the stories carried visuals of the blood-splashed body of Biranchi Das, close up of bullet wounds, blood spots at the place along with some bytes of the brother and few students of the victim Biranchi Das. In the bytes, the name of Raja alias Sandip Acharya – a gangster who was into crimes on ransom and for personal interests – came as the killer. Since then all the reports – be it in the form of print, TV, radio or web – made Raja, a gangster, the central theme and the crime, its gravity and the reason and motives behind it came as passing references.

Investigations were made on the criminal history and operations of Raja and placed as lead stories in newspapers and TV news bulletins. Gangster Raja and his criminal records grabbed most of the front-page space and airtime. Visuals and photographs of Raja came in abundance on TV channels and newspapers. Every move of the gangster resulting failure for the city police in nabbing him got a priority place everywhere.

Details about police raids in different places, possible hideouts of Raja were served as spices for news consumers. Media diverted the public craze from the basic crime of murdering a coach to an upcoming criminal gangster Raja Acharya. Instead of presenting Raja as an absconder fearing police arrest, media presented Raja as a challenger to Police. The hype for a gangster was so much that Raja became the most dreadful don in the state even though he was absconding to avoid a police arrest. Even the police couldn’t keep itself free from the influence of media reports. The massive security arrangements in the airport, hospital and judicial court on the day of Raja’s arrival in Bhubaneswar, after he was taken into custody in Goa, clearly indicated how media had weakened the moral strength of Orissa Police in general and Bhubaneswar – Cuttack Commissionerate Police in particular.

Media’s craze for spice items inspired Raja to utilise it for creating confusion by giving statements to newspaper and TV channel offices directly. And unfortunately without bringing the statements of a criminal to the notice of the investigating police team media brought it direct to public to give a fresh clue in the morning for coffee shop discussions. Apart from the statements of a projected criminal, even rumours found a place in the TV news bulletins and front-pages of newspapers. Full half an hour slots in TV fell short to narrate the story of the culprit and crimes he committed.

But what is the impact? Did the elaborated and sensationalised stories made people aware to come forward for stopping further crime in their city? Were people encouraged to bring any criminal act to the notice of Police?

Rather, police was so presented in the stories and the nexus were so highlighted that people would have lost faith on it and in future they wouldn’t even dare to inform police about a crime in front of them.

In contrast, the small town gangster Raja Acharya was given so much importance that public sees him as a don. Now everybody is scared of his name and picture. Tomorrow, after being released, it would be very easy for Raja to continue collecting money forcibly from people.

So, what our crime reporting did? It simply helped a criminal rather than checking further crime.

Biranchi Das Murder case reporting is just a tip of the iceberg. Boom in Indian media industry of mushrooming of TV channels and media houses have started dealing with news like a consumer product where saleability matter more than the real purpose of news and ethical reporting. With this the chronic problems of people and communities are not getting a proper presentation.

Like when the Raja factor ruled all news bulletins and newspapers, the voice of Orissa MPs raised to safeguard the interests of the state and other mineral rich states just found a mention and no follow-up was made on the very important aspect of development.

Biranchi Das was murdered when people’s plight in Vedanta University project area and the issue of former speaker’s alleged involvement in a sexual harassment case in the state assembly were in statewide discussion. Both the issue vanished from all media since the Murder Biranchi Das took place and a hint of Raja’s involvement sparkled in some bytes.

As an aware and responsible citizen representing as well as impacting the common mass, journalists should act with more caution while reporting crimes. Just to create sensation and draw some individual mileage, it is quite unfair to publicise things that would influence or obstruct a normal investigation and add power to an evil element of the society.

In order to check any irresponsible act in crime reporting, there should also be some kind of regulations to restrict over-publicity of criminals by highlighting their criminal records and publishing their photographs and live videos as these acts would hamper an investigation, promote criminal activities and generate fear in the civil society for certain criminals.

Media reports regarding uproar in Orissa Assembly over Vedanta University project on March 20 revealed how journalism is practiced in India is fast shifting itself from the principle and ethical base.

Reports in different TV Channels and Newspapers were less informative than to influence the discussion scheduled for a date 4 days later. The statements of political leaders and Higher Education Minister were carried without any crosscheck of facts they said although we all know about the common proverb that ‘politicians promise a bridge when there is no river’ for a mere political benefit.

A television channel in the state owned by the family of a ruling party MP telecasted reports that seemed politically bias and clearly motivated to safeguard the interests of a corporate foundation whose credibility was questioned by the apex court of India. Even most of the newspapers claiming themselves to be highly circulated across the state had a similar line of reporting.

If one analyse the report transmitted in the aforesaid local TV Channel, the ethical points of journalism seemed to have shifted their focus. In the report, the basic purpose of journalism was neglected by providing information to empower people but to satisfy the interests of some political parties and the Anil Agarwal Foundation that is into Vedanta University Project against people’s will and livelihood interests.

The facts were even transmitted without any crosschecking. On screen, Higher Education Minister of Orissa said, ‘fulfilling its role as the facilitator, government has already acquired 6252.90 acres of land in the project area in the name of Anil Agarwal foundation’. Did the Minister utter a true figure? As a watchdog, journalist must crosscheck it. But, ironically, no supporting byte of either a revenue department official or any revenue document was shown to confirm the accuracy of the figure.

The other statement Higher Education Minister gave was, ‘we have told Anil Agarwal Foundation to give priority to the students of Orissa for studying in the proposed world class Vedanta University’.

But as per clause 6, Para iv, the MOU signed with Vedanta Foundation – the former name of Anil Agarwal foundation, ‘In order to allow it (Vedanta University), to function as a world class University, GOO (Government of Orissa) shall ensure complete autonomy to Vedanta and the university authorities with regard to *****istration, admission, fee structure, curriculum and faculty selection. The objective is to attract best talents globally for students and faculty.’

Again, as a further clarification, the MOU mentions in Para X of the same clause that, ‘The university shall have the immunity from any reservation laws of the state government and a statement to this effect shall be incorporated in the legislation’.

The statement of the minister goes against the promises made by the government in the MOU. So, has the MOU been revised to incorporate what he said or it is just a verbal request he made to the Foundation? The TV News report maintained darkness about this serious confusion. This indicates a low level obligation of the journalist to the ‘truth’.

Again, using the animated visuals, perhaps produced and distributed by the foundation, the TV Channel reported how Vedanta University would be a truly world class University in Orissa without mentioning the source who claimed it. Meaning, it was the opinion of the channel that matched the foundation claims. Nowhere, the viewpoints of people opposing to the project were incorporated, at least, to maintain impartiality in reporting. By imposing this opinion in the name of News, the journalist and the channel violated three major points of Media Ethics – i. The journalist didn’t display its loyalty to the citizens who apprehend adverse impact of the project on their life and livelihood; ii. The journalist didn’t maintain independence while covering and producing the News; iii. The news imposed an opinion on its viewers than providing a forum for public appraisal and criticism.

Such kind of reporting not only gives Indian Journalism a bad name but also limits the scope of impact. The basic purpose gets diluted when the reporter or broadcaster hides certain vital information to justify its own viewpoint in the news.

This is not the only case that questions the Channels commitment to Media Ethics. Two days before, it transmitted a fiction produced by Posco – the South Korean steel giant that is facing strong public resistance in the proposed project site near Paradeep. The film was made to create a mass opinion in support of the project. But certain dialogues in the film were derogatory to National Integration and the federal system and also promoting regional disparity. Using few artists the film tried to convince people through some dialogues like, ‘before the project was planned where were the outsider (other state) activists and leaders who encourage people of the site to oppose the project?’ ‘Outsider activists and politicians are no way concerned with the problems of People but are envious of the development projects planned in the state of Orissa’. ‘Agitating against development projects has become a fashion these days’. However, the professionals involved in the film were only hired on payment to make these dialogues said in the film but were no way affected by the project directly.

The film was almost silent about the livelihood issues of people, possible scarcity of food materials once the project stands on the land that are used for agriculture now, and the possibility of transformation of the sustainable local market economy into one that would be controlled by outside businessmen. But instead, the film started blaming activists who are fighting for the basic livelihood rights of people in the country as envious outsiders. There would be no problem if the film were for internal purpose of the corporate house. But when it came for transmission, how the channel could approve such remarks for public broadcasting, as these were not presented as individual viewpoints but conclusive messages of the film?

The above examples are just tip of the iceberg. Satellite Television Channels focusing on Orissa have become PR windows more than infotainment channels for people. Corporate houses like TATA, NALCO are now into production of propagandist TV series to be aired on various TV Channels. And the stand of TV Channels are very simple – ‘we need revenue to survive’. It’s not only the case of private broadcasters but public broadcaster like Doordarshan is also in the fray for generating revenue through such PR campaigns. However, Doordarshan has a previewing body that censors the programme before telecast.

Because of such PR oriented news motivated by some vested interests of a journalist or the broadcaster, News is losing its importance among people of India. In spite of TV Channels and News Papers mushrooming in India, quality and credential of news are deteriorating in the country. News producers and broadcasters are more into making money than disseminating News. Industrialists and businessmen with little knowledge of Media Ethics are now venturing into media business and dictating the journalists to act on their command. But the Indian industry takes it as an advantage for growth through more investment.

Even journalists of high respect seem to have fallen into the trap of investors. I was shocked with certain statements made by Rajdeep Sardesai, whom I had once taken as my role model, on some occasions. The first was in Ramnath Goenka Memorial discussion on responsible journalism where, on carrying sensational news stories, he said - ‘I have to carry such stories to make people see my channel and the show gets good TRP because I am running a channel (Meaning, doing business as a profitable proposition!). The second occasion was the last establishment day of Doordarshan when the channel organised a panel of veteran journalists facing questions from some other journalists in the gallery. Answering a question about the social watchdog responsibility of a journalist Rajdeep said, ‘we are journalists not activists’. What a demarcation! An activist may not be a journalist, but how a journalist cannot be an activist when journalist is the first man to collect information and make them go public to inform and aware people and all others who are working for the development of people? I still respect Rajdeep for his contribution to TV journalism in India. Such statements would have been the results of lots of business pressure on him.

Another incident of TV Journalism shook the nation was telecast of the sound byte of Kasmir Singh claiming himself as worked as a spy of India in Pakistan. What a low level commitment towards the nation displayed by a spy, if it is so, and a journalist who is supposed to be more responsible than anybody else? It’s not a mistake by chance but a deliberate attempt to stain the image of India in the international forums and sour the Indo-Pak relationship. A deliberate attempt because the journalist who asked such a question shouldn’t have asked because any irresponsible answer would tarnish the image of the nation. And the telecast could have been stopped on any channel by a unanimous decision of the broadcasters. Like the UK ******s decided not to carry any picture of Diana shot by the paparaji photographers when she died of an accident. Even the US media was pressured not to carry the photographers. This indicates the loyalty of Press to the Citizens, their emotion and the Nation at large.

Even in India, news comes on any channel or band of BBC is still considered authentic and news coming on the channel has the best impact world over because of the strictly ethical journalism practiced by its journalists. Most players of the UK Media do practices journalism on ethical lines.

But in India, the journalism practice is going tabloid way. The practitioners are more behind sensationalism and hype creating stuff than the news that would inform and empower people. As the trend of journalism practice goes in India, it’s high time that some kind of controlling system be set to ensure an ethical and responsible journalism in the country.

Maoists’ strike on the Jails and Armouries of Nayagarh town of Orissa state in India on fifteenth of February is the massive attack by the red radicals on Police establishments in the province. They attacked at ten o’clock in the evening and took 3 police stations, a police training school and 2 armouries into their control, looted the arms and ammunitions from the armouries and left with truckload ammunitions. The resistance by police at the time of attack was feeble and the Maoists killed about 15 people including 14 policemen during the attack and loot drama. Although attacking jails and armouries has become a regular practice by the Maoist outfits operating in Orissa, Chhatisgarh, Bihar and Jharkhand, Nayagarh incident is the second attack by naxal outfits on government armoury in Orissa. The first occurred on February 6, 2004 when PWG members attacked the Koraput District armoury and looted the arms and ammunitions.

The attack on police stations and armouries in Nayagarh has special importance in compare to any other naxal strike as Nayagarh is very close to state capital being the neighbouring district of Khurda – the district having Bhubaneswar, the capital city of Orissa, as a part of it. What bothers the *****istration and intelligentsia is – if they could attack major establishments in Nayagarh, how far is Bhubaneswar?

The apprehension is backed by logical reasons as State police has nabbed a senior Maoist leader Anna Reddy in Bhubaneswar. As per police sources, the senior red cadre came to the capital city to see his sick fiancée Nanika – a tribal girl of Kalinga Nagar – who was undergoing treatment in the most equipped and sophisticated Kalinga hospital. After the incident, state intelligence admitted the fact that Maoists are also present in the capital city and most of them are operating fro various slums in and around Bhubaneswar. Nayagarh incident would be the display of strength by the Maoists as a reaction to the arrest of their senior cadre Anna Reddy. As per sources, state intelligence department has alerted Jajpur District Police about possibility of Maoist attack to kidnap a Political Leader or Industrialist for freeing Nanika and Anna Reddy.

It’s not only display of strength, in the following crossfire in Gosama forests on the Ganjam – Kandhamal border, Maoist brigade that attacked Police establishments in Nayagarh also proved how they could fool the police force and escape safely. The way Maoists escaped from Gosama forests when they were surrounded by well-armed CRPF battalions from both Ganjam and Kandhamal borders, it’s really a challenge to the CRPF and the state police who are sounding high about their success in dealing with growing Naxalism and Maoist activism in Orissa. In the crossfire between the Maoists and CRPF Jawans, 6 Jawans including a commanding officer lost their lives. Police claimed to have killed at least 20 Maoists but not a single body of a red cadre is recovered to support the claim.

Information revealing Maoist presence in the coastal Orissa and the heartland of proposed Industrial corridor following the arrest of Anna Reddy came as nightmare to the state *****istration and police. Confirmation of Maoist involvement in the anti-TATA movement in Kalinga Nagar precipitated tension in the total industrial complex. Media reports regarding Maoist presence in the forests along the coasts of Orissa worsened the situation. As per the reports and statements given by police officials, Maoists are present in almost all districts and have expanded their area of operation to places close to Bhubaneswar – Cuttack twin city that houses all state *****istrative, police and judicial head quarters. And the fact that worried the state and district *****istration is that Maoists have expanded their movement in the industrial project areas and, in most cases, the anti project movements are steered by the Maoist leadership.

When Anna Reddy’s arrest exposed Maoists link with anti-TATA movement in Kalinga Nagar, the kidnapping of government officials including four Posco officials, who happened to be Korean citizens, and finally state police agreeing to the conditions imposed by the agitators to get the foreign citizens free clearly speaks of some kind of strong support, could be militant support, behind anti-Posco agitators. It’s said that Maoists have an active involvement in the anti-industrialisation movements in Lanjigarh and other parts of western Orissa. Now, many people apprehend that the Maoists would be eyeing upon the public agitation in opposition to the anti-Vedanta University project. If the Maoists come out successful in hijacking the anti Vedanta University movement, the most popular tourist destinations like Konark, Puri and the wild life sanctuary will be in the control of the Maoists. Thank god, any sort of Maoist involvement in the anti-Vedanta University movement is not yet confirmed. But, as the project is planned over more than 6000 acres of multi-crop agricultural land putting the livelihood of more than 1000 families at stake and as discontentment against the university project is growing in the project area, the affected villagers would accept support from any sympathiser who comes with a helping hand to safeguard the livelihood rights of these poor village folks. Since the Maoists enter into such movements as leftist sympathisers, agitating villagers may fall into the Maoist fold without any knowledge of it.

It’s not only illiterate village people fall into the Maoist trap knowingly or unknowingly, but educated youth of the country knowingly join the armed Maoist movement in numbers. Even, people living in the Maoist dominated areas are more committed to the Maoists than the state or central government *****istrative machinery. This is not the case in Orissa only but in all Maoist stronghold states of India.

Naxal movement is a problem in India since the sixties of last century and through the years the movement has spread to most parts of India to gather strength in terms of cadre base and revenue, stage terrorizing events and threat the internal security of the country. The organisations involved in the movement change their name and identity very often to avoid government action and political aggression. Now all such organisations involved in the armed revolution have come together under the banner of CPI-Maoist since September 2004.

These groups have largely expanded their influence area and modern manifestations of naxal movement have gone the international way. Maoist groups involved in armed revolution have established a network with similar revolutionary organizations in Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Sri Lanka under the aegis of the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCMPOSA). Moreover, all these South Asian Maoist organizations and parties are also affiliated to international organization Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) working on Maoist lines of Revolutionary Communism to popularize Maoist ideologies of ‘Revolutionary Socialism’ and ‘seizure of power through agrarian (proletariat) movement’.

In India, Maoist revolutionary groups have a strong hold in Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh and, now, the red cadres are trying to intensify their activities in Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Uttaranchal and other states where they have a feeble presence.

After the merger into CPI (Maoist), Naxalites have consolidated their front organizations into 'Revolutionary Democratic Front' (RDF) to intensify their mass contact and mobilisation programmes. On the other hand, under new banners and fronts, the naxal groups are making regular recruitment of cadres.

Keeping pace with the technological development, Naxalite groups have gone equally hi-tech to face the CRPF and police forces of the states. According to reports, the Maoists have set up specialised technical wings, which employ IT experts on monthly payment, to draw up plans to develop more potent explosives, tap governmental messages and get the latest on techniques on guerrilla warfare. The experts also draw maps of different government establishments and jails, develop technology to prepare dangerous landmines and intercept the wireless messages of police, decode them and pass it on to their red squad. Maoists spend over Rs.2 million on their technical wings. The recent revelation by Union Minister of State for Home affairs Sriprakash Jayswal in the upper hose of parliament regarding over 60 crore rupees being allocated by the Maoist groups in their annual financial plan for procuring arms and explosives has made it clear that Maoist groups have also expanded their resource base to manage up-gradation in terms of technological development and arms and ammunitions.

As huge financial resource is required for survival of naxalite groups with such a vast cadre base and for running the armed movement, the naxal groups have created their own economic zones. They have a better control of the thick dense forests stretching from north Bihar bordering Nepal to north Kerala passing through Jharkhand, West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Chhatisgarh, Maharastra, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. They have mapped this long strip full of forests and tribal hamlets as the red corridor with the plan to make it the liberated Maoist Zone. They have control over the Teakwood and timber trade in the forests of Vidarbha region in Maharastra and they have almost complete control over the forest produce marketing. Recently, union home minister admitted that the Maoist organizations demand a share from the fund allotted for implementing development programmes in naxal stronghold areas for which nearly 80% of the development programmes remain unimplemented. In most cases no contractor comes forward to work in Maoist affected areas. Besides, they have set a parallel *****istrative system in the tribal dominated pockets of Chhatisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa, wherefrom they collect all the taxes from people. Even, they undertake large scale Ganja (Marijuana) cultivation and illegal trading of it to generate revenue. Now, being ambitious to have a greater control over the national economy, the naxals have eyed upon the power plants in Andhra Pradesh, and iron ore mines in Chhatisgarh and Orissa as most of the iron ore mines are easy approachable from their Red Corridor boundaries.

Looking at the aggressive as well as armed activism by the Maoist groups, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh once described Naxalism as the biggest internal security problem. Much before this, on October 14, 2006, Congress president Sonia Gandhi expressed her concern over naxal menace and advised the state governments to take it seriously. In order to curb the naxal movement and end the naxal menace in India, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) platoons have been deployed in the naxal affected states. State governments are extended support by the centre to reorganise and upgrade their own police forces in order to equip them to deal with the danger of Naxalism more effectively. *****istrative machinery and political leaders have been reactionary to the Naxalites but less analytical about the reasons responsible for the growth of Naxalism in the poverty stricken states and backward districts of the country. Aggressive and reactionary approach of the government and a revengeful attitude of Maoist outfits result in police attack on naxal camps, combing operation, crossfire and Maoists’ strike on police camps and government establishments. Once police kills or arrest a Maoist cadre, the red cadres soon strike on an important establishment or a police camp and to display their strength. It seems like a feudal fighting between armed red radicals and government’s police force.

Situation in Maoist affected areas have turned like a hell for the tribals and common man. Caught between the Government and Maoist Cadres, common people have been suffering the worst. Cooperating or not cooperating to either police or the Maoists is a risk for these innocent people as suspected both the Police and the Maoists target the ‘informers’!

While the political leadership in Orissa and India as well shows little interest in understanding the real problems and reasons behind growth of Naxalism or Maoism, bureaucrats derive their own definitions and reasons behind the problem sitting in close air-conditioned chambers. While some political leaders see socio-economic problems of people as the reasons behind growing Naxalism, the police point it out as a law and order problem. But more than any other is the existing system of governance that helps the red ultras gather more strength and expand their red corridor in the backward regions of the country.

Major problem in the backward and tribal concentrated districts is that most of the public offices run without required officials, as nobody is interested to work there because of lack of facilities. Even officials who are posted in those districts take long day’s leave and stay, most of the times, in Bhubaneswar to lobby for a transfer. Officials who fail to get transferred try to be away from their place of posting on departmental works. So people who visit the offices for their works never get the officials and keep on running for months together. It’s not only public offices but, even, medicals run without doctors and adequate support staff, and schools run without required number of teachers. Many schools run with no teacher, no school building. This is the very common scenario in the remote backward districts of India.

Situation is no better even when there are officials as the other reality is rampant corruption in all levels of *****istration. Taking advantage of their ignorance and innocence, officials and clerks exploit the poor tribals by demanding bribe money or bribe in kind. Even political leaders from their own community are no exception from the officials when the issues of corruption and exploitation are considered. So even though a tribal has all right for getting certain benefits, he is deprived of those for not having the bribe money.

Even implementation of development programmes goes in wrong ways under the corrupt and disinterested officials. The targeted beneficiaries get no benefit or less benefit than the harassment they face from the contractor or the implementing officials.

Take the case of Muke Madi, a tribal woman of Maranpalli village under Kalimela Block in Malkangiri district. Muke’s husband Kasa Madi was killed by the Naxalites in 2003 as the naxals suspected him to be a police informer. After the ncident, Muke left her husbands home and properties for her parental home where she stayed with her one son and two-daughter family. Not to be a liability on her parents, Muke worked a labourer in National Food for Work (NFFW) programme works. As she didn’t receive any wage for her labour, she went to the official residence of JE to request for an early disbursement of wages. But instead of realising the plight of a tribal widow who lives with lots of problems, the JE attempted to rape her! Muke rushed out of JE’s official residence and told the whole thing to her accompanist tribal ladies and went home without any wage. Muke complained the police about the incident but no action has been initiated till date. Rather the JE tried to force Muke withdraw the case by alluring with some money followed by threatening her to kill, as Muke alleged several times. Still no action by the local Police! Afraid of any nuisance from the JE Muke left her parental home and preferred to go into hiding. Who will ensure Muke live peacefully in her own land? On this backdrop, should the police be surprised if it finds Muke in Maoist Camp?

When governments at the centre and the states are high sounding about different programmes implemented for the development of tribal people living in the forests and most backward areas, Muke’s story says how effectively they are implemented and what benefit the tribal people do really get. What will happen when the implementing officers turn to be exploiters as JE Prasanta Gauda turned to Muke? However, Muke’s story is just a tip of the iceberg. Development projects in backward and forest areas are hardly visible. Money is, mostly, spent in paper. Even today tribals use to cross long pedestrian way in jungles to visit a hospital, the nearest market and any public service office. Basic infrastructure is still a dream in many villages.

Police *****istration in the naxal dominated districts or a block is nothing better than the behaviour of the red radicals. When red radicals do impose their thoughts and wishes on the people, police do act equally as government sponsored terrorising body. Always blaming the government for not upgrading with modern equipment matching the armed Maoists, police do harass common people whenever it gets a chance. In most cases it harass the innocent tribals in the name of naxal supporter, informer or sympathiser. In the recent crossfire and combing operation, number of reports came when police harassed local people suspecting their link with the Maoists. Leave apart the innocent and illiterate tribals, the behaviour of police in general is so rude and inhuman that even educated civilised people living in cities and towns try their level best to keep themselves away from police. Most people do not wish to go to police till it becomes inevitable or essential.

In 2005, this author visited Rayagada - one of the Naxal dominated districts of Orissa. It was around 6 pm that the Reserve Police Battalion in the town had blocked the road by putting a timber on wooden forks. There was no board or anything to indicate why the road was blocked. There was nobody nearby and one of us just went to get someone and ask why the road was blocked. Soon a voice came from the darkness – “don’t touch that, we will go for an encounter”. We were shocked with such behaviour of Orissa Police. In the outskirts and rural places, police terrorise tribals and common people in a similar way instead of providing them security and helping as their protector.

So the total system of governance acts as an alien system ruling over people. Freedom doesn’t mean anything to the poor tribals as the *****istration is never for the people or with the people, rather exploiter of people. Such a system of governance is mainly responsible for growing frustration among downtrodden towards the political and *****istrative system in the country.

The other major issue is wide economic disparity in Indian society. Hardly 10% of country’s population has accumulated 80% of the total wealth where as rest 90% do possess only 20%. But the per capita income index is decided as an average of wealth and income which is hardly true in case of more than 60% Indians living in rural and remote India. Wealth in the hands of 10% has a steady or fast growth as the rich segment basically influences economic policies. On the other side, the economic condition of tribals, peasantry and poor class is continuously deteriorating. The gap between poor and rich is widening fast and breaking the society into two distinct economies. This wide economic disparity is one of the major reasons why urban youth is also getting into naxal fold.

But instead of looking into all these factors, political leadership try to hide all these and emphasize their own views created to draw maximum political gain. When there was uproar in Orissa Assembly on the naxal attack in Nayagarh and Opposition in the house highlighted the socio economic issues prevalent in tribal dominated backward districts, Orissa CM Naveen Pattnaik over-ruled the issues as factor behind growing Naxalism. He placed his decision for strong police action against Maoists as the right decision. But will strong police action end Naxalism in the country? Police would kill 10, 100 or 1000 cadres in a year. But there is an inflow of more numbers into the Maoist fold every year. How it can be rightly combated is by proving their ideology of revolutionary socialism irrelevant in the country. And that can be possible by ensuring a pro-people governance system in the country, a pro-people police that works to ensure law and order and protect people from any strike by evil elements of society, an accountable and committed political leadership and bureaucracy to plan area-wise need-based development programmes and ensure that the benefits of development reach the targeted beneficiaries, creating opportunities for people to earn their livelihood.

It seems, political leaders are more focused on power than issues of people. When we say India is the largest democracy in the world what we (majority of population who live with poverty and misery) are compelled to believe is that India is still ruled by an unruly colonial government run by a few natives. The *****istration and political system must change itself drastically to make India a real democratic nation that is run by people and that cares for people. This would be only way to prove the ideology of revolutionary socialism irrelevant in India and end the Maoist socialist movement.

While ensuring the rights of journalists and protecting a journalist from atrocities has been an issue world over, here is a good news. An Indian journalist based in Bhubaneswar has finally got a verdict from the Orissa High Court after 18 years of legal battle with his management.

A senior journalist Dwarika Mohan Mishra went to the labour court in the year 1989 against the ‘Samaja’ (Oriya Daily) Management, where he was working as a Special Correspondent, claiming for his salary and other benefits as per the Palekar Award.

Understanding the genuinity of claims made by Mr. Mishra and the valuable services he has made to the newspaper and the society while working as a journalist and the conditions of his service, the labour court instructed the Samaja management to pay the dues amounting to 1,85,362.00. This happened in 1996 after 7 years long legal battle.

Instead of respecting the rights of a journalist and paying him the dues he deserved, the Samaja management extended the legal battle for another 11 years by filing a petition in the provincial High Court against the order of the labour court claiming that the case was out of the jurisdiction of labour court. The management pleaded before the higher court to invalidate the order issued by the labour court.

The High Court judgement came on March 11, 2008 dismissed the petition made by the newspaper management by upholding the judgement of the labour court and directing the Samaja management to pay the dues of the journalist by 3 months of the judgement.

The judgement is definitely a hope for the journalists of India who face atrocities from their management. But still there are some issues to be resolved.

The primary issue is, it’s a delayed justice and the judiciary didn’t consider how the journalist survived through last 18 years. And the other issue is whether the organisation that lingered the battle for so long on claims, which didn’t stand in the court, should be punished for putting a journalist under inconvenience, financial pressure and mental torture?

These issues are not confined to the case of Dwarika Mohan Mishra alone, but have a greater relevance in the cases of all other journalists who are fighting similar battles or working with professional insecurities.