Maoists’ strike on the Jails and Armouries of Nayagarh town of Orissa state in India on fifteenth of February is the massive attack by the red radicals on Police establishments in the province. They attacked at ten o’clock in the evening and took 3 police stations, a police training school and 2 armouries into their control, looted the arms and ammunitions from the armouries and left with truckload ammunitions. The resistance by police at the time of attack was feeble and the Maoists killed about 15 people including 14 policemen during the attack and loot drama. Although attacking jails and armouries has become a regular practice by the Maoist outfits operating in Orissa, Chhatisgarh, Bihar and Jharkhand, Nayagarh incident is the second attack by naxal outfits on government armoury in Orissa. The first occurred on February 6, 2004 when PWG members attacked the Koraput District armoury and looted the arms and ammunitions.

The attack on police stations and armouries in Nayagarh has special importance in compare to any other naxal strike as Nayagarh is very close to state capital being the neighbouring district of Khurda – the district having Bhubaneswar, the capital city of Orissa, as a part of it. What bothers the *****istration and intelligentsia is – if they could attack major establishments in Nayagarh, how far is Bhubaneswar?

The apprehension is backed by logical reasons as State police has nabbed a senior Maoist leader Anna Reddy in Bhubaneswar. As per police sources, the senior red cadre came to the capital city to see his sick fiancée Nanika – a tribal girl of Kalinga Nagar – who was undergoing treatment in the most equipped and sophisticated Kalinga hospital. After the incident, state intelligence admitted the fact that Maoists are also present in the capital city and most of them are operating fro various slums in and around Bhubaneswar. Nayagarh incident would be the display of strength by the Maoists as a reaction to the arrest of their senior cadre Anna Reddy. As per sources, state intelligence department has alerted Jajpur District Police about possibility of Maoist attack to kidnap a Political Leader or Industrialist for freeing Nanika and Anna Reddy.

It’s not only display of strength, in the following crossfire in Gosama forests on the Ganjam – Kandhamal border, Maoist brigade that attacked Police establishments in Nayagarh also proved how they could fool the police force and escape safely. The way Maoists escaped from Gosama forests when they were surrounded by well-armed CRPF battalions from both Ganjam and Kandhamal borders, it’s really a challenge to the CRPF and the state police who are sounding high about their success in dealing with growing Naxalism and Maoist activism in Orissa. In the crossfire between the Maoists and CRPF Jawans, 6 Jawans including a commanding officer lost their lives. Police claimed to have killed at least 20 Maoists but not a single body of a red cadre is recovered to support the claim.

Information revealing Maoist presence in the coastal Orissa and the heartland of proposed Industrial corridor following the arrest of Anna Reddy came as nightmare to the state *****istration and police. Confirmation of Maoist involvement in the anti-TATA movement in Kalinga Nagar precipitated tension in the total industrial complex. Media reports regarding Maoist presence in the forests along the coasts of Orissa worsened the situation. As per the reports and statements given by police officials, Maoists are present in almost all districts and have expanded their area of operation to places close to Bhubaneswar – Cuttack twin city that houses all state *****istrative, police and judicial head quarters. And the fact that worried the state and district *****istration is that Maoists have expanded their movement in the industrial project areas and, in most cases, the anti project movements are steered by the Maoist leadership.

When Anna Reddy’s arrest exposed Maoists link with anti-TATA movement in Kalinga Nagar, the kidnapping of government officials including four Posco officials, who happened to be Korean citizens, and finally state police agreeing to the conditions imposed by the agitators to get the foreign citizens free clearly speaks of some kind of strong support, could be militant support, behind anti-Posco agitators. It’s said that Maoists have an active involvement in the anti-industrialisation movements in Lanjigarh and other parts of western Orissa. Now, many people apprehend that the Maoists would be eyeing upon the public agitation in opposition to the anti-Vedanta University project. If the Maoists come out successful in hijacking the anti Vedanta University movement, the most popular tourist destinations like Konark, Puri and the wild life sanctuary will be in the control of the Maoists. Thank god, any sort of Maoist involvement in the anti-Vedanta University movement is not yet confirmed. But, as the project is planned over more than 6000 acres of multi-crop agricultural land putting the livelihood of more than 1000 families at stake and as discontentment against the university project is growing in the project area, the affected villagers would accept support from any sympathiser who comes with a helping hand to safeguard the livelihood rights of these poor village folks. Since the Maoists enter into such movements as leftist sympathisers, agitating villagers may fall into the Maoist fold without any knowledge of it.

It’s not only illiterate village people fall into the Maoist trap knowingly or unknowingly, but educated youth of the country knowingly join the armed Maoist movement in numbers. Even, people living in the Maoist dominated areas are more committed to the Maoists than the state or central government *****istrative machinery. This is not the case in Orissa only but in all Maoist stronghold states of India.

Naxal movement is a problem in India since the sixties of last century and through the years the movement has spread to most parts of India to gather strength in terms of cadre base and revenue, stage terrorizing events and threat the internal security of the country. The organisations involved in the movement change their name and identity very often to avoid government action and political aggression. Now all such organisations involved in the armed revolution have come together under the banner of CPI-Maoist since September 2004.

These groups have largely expanded their influence area and modern manifestations of naxal movement have gone the international way. Maoist groups involved in armed revolution have established a network with similar revolutionary organizations in Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Sri Lanka under the aegis of the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCMPOSA). Moreover, all these South Asian Maoist organizations and parties are also affiliated to international organization Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) working on Maoist lines of Revolutionary Communism to popularize Maoist ideologies of ‘Revolutionary Socialism’ and ‘seizure of power through agrarian (proletariat) movement’.

In India, Maoist revolutionary groups have a strong hold in Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh and, now, the red cadres are trying to intensify their activities in Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Uttaranchal and other states where they have a feeble presence.

After the merger into CPI (Maoist), Naxalites have consolidated their front organizations into 'Revolutionary Democratic Front' (RDF) to intensify their mass contact and mobilisation programmes. On the other hand, under new banners and fronts, the naxal groups are making regular recruitment of cadres.

Keeping pace with the technological development, Naxalite groups have gone equally hi-tech to face the CRPF and police forces of the states. According to reports, the Maoists have set up specialised technical wings, which employ IT experts on monthly payment, to draw up plans to develop more potent explosives, tap governmental messages and get the latest on techniques on guerrilla warfare. The experts also draw maps of different government establishments and jails, develop technology to prepare dangerous landmines and intercept the wireless messages of police, decode them and pass it on to their red squad. Maoists spend over Rs.2 million on their technical wings. The recent revelation by Union Minister of State for Home affairs Sriprakash Jayswal in the upper hose of parliament regarding over 60 crore rupees being allocated by the Maoist groups in their annual financial plan for procuring arms and explosives has made it clear that Maoist groups have also expanded their resource base to manage up-gradation in terms of technological development and arms and ammunitions.

As huge financial resource is required for survival of naxalite groups with such a vast cadre base and for running the armed movement, the naxal groups have created their own economic zones. They have a better control of the thick dense forests stretching from north Bihar bordering Nepal to north Kerala passing through Jharkhand, West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Chhatisgarh, Maharastra, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. They have mapped this long strip full of forests and tribal hamlets as the red corridor with the plan to make it the liberated Maoist Zone. They have control over the Teakwood and timber trade in the forests of Vidarbha region in Maharastra and they have almost complete control over the forest produce marketing. Recently, union home minister admitted that the Maoist organizations demand a share from the fund allotted for implementing development programmes in naxal stronghold areas for which nearly 80% of the development programmes remain unimplemented. In most cases no contractor comes forward to work in Maoist affected areas. Besides, they have set a parallel *****istrative system in the tribal dominated pockets of Chhatisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa, wherefrom they collect all the taxes from people. Even, they undertake large scale Ganja (Marijuana) cultivation and illegal trading of it to generate revenue. Now, being ambitious to have a greater control over the national economy, the naxals have eyed upon the power plants in Andhra Pradesh, and iron ore mines in Chhatisgarh and Orissa as most of the iron ore mines are easy approachable from their Red Corridor boundaries.

Looking at the aggressive as well as armed activism by the Maoist groups, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh once described Naxalism as the biggest internal security problem. Much before this, on October 14, 2006, Congress president Sonia Gandhi expressed her concern over naxal menace and advised the state governments to take it seriously. In order to curb the naxal movement and end the naxal menace in India, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) platoons have been deployed in the naxal affected states. State governments are extended support by the centre to reorganise and upgrade their own police forces in order to equip them to deal with the danger of Naxalism more effectively. *****istrative machinery and political leaders have been reactionary to the Naxalites but less analytical about the reasons responsible for the growth of Naxalism in the poverty stricken states and backward districts of the country. Aggressive and reactionary approach of the government and a revengeful attitude of Maoist outfits result in police attack on naxal camps, combing operation, crossfire and Maoists’ strike on police camps and government establishments. Once police kills or arrest a Maoist cadre, the red cadres soon strike on an important establishment or a police camp and to display their strength. It seems like a feudal fighting between armed red radicals and government’s police force.

Situation in Maoist affected areas have turned like a hell for the tribals and common man. Caught between the Government and Maoist Cadres, common people have been suffering the worst. Cooperating or not cooperating to either police or the Maoists is a risk for these innocent people as suspected both the Police and the Maoists target the ‘informers’!

While the political leadership in Orissa and India as well shows little interest in understanding the real problems and reasons behind growth of Naxalism or Maoism, bureaucrats derive their own definitions and reasons behind the problem sitting in close air-conditioned chambers. While some political leaders see socio-economic problems of people as the reasons behind growing Naxalism, the police point it out as a law and order problem. But more than any other is the existing system of governance that helps the red ultras gather more strength and expand their red corridor in the backward regions of the country.

Major problem in the backward and tribal concentrated districts is that most of the public offices run without required officials, as nobody is interested to work there because of lack of facilities. Even officials who are posted in those districts take long day’s leave and stay, most of the times, in Bhubaneswar to lobby for a transfer. Officials who fail to get transferred try to be away from their place of posting on departmental works. So people who visit the offices for their works never get the officials and keep on running for months together. It’s not only public offices but, even, medicals run without doctors and adequate support staff, and schools run without required number of teachers. Many schools run with no teacher, no school building. This is the very common scenario in the remote backward districts of India.

Situation is no better even when there are officials as the other reality is rampant corruption in all levels of *****istration. Taking advantage of their ignorance and innocence, officials and clerks exploit the poor tribals by demanding bribe money or bribe in kind. Even political leaders from their own community are no exception from the officials when the issues of corruption and exploitation are considered. So even though a tribal has all right for getting certain benefits, he is deprived of those for not having the bribe money.

Even implementation of development programmes goes in wrong ways under the corrupt and disinterested officials. The targeted beneficiaries get no benefit or less benefit than the harassment they face from the contractor or the implementing officials.

Take the case of Muke Madi, a tribal woman of Maranpalli village under Kalimela Block in Malkangiri district. Muke’s husband Kasa Madi was killed by the Naxalites in 2003 as the naxals suspected him to be a police informer. After the ncident, Muke left her husbands home and properties for her parental home where she stayed with her one son and two-daughter family. Not to be a liability on her parents, Muke worked a labourer in National Food for Work (NFFW) programme works. As she didn’t receive any wage for her labour, she went to the official residence of JE to request for an early disbursement of wages. But instead of realising the plight of a tribal widow who lives with lots of problems, the JE attempted to rape her! Muke rushed out of JE’s official residence and told the whole thing to her accompanist tribal ladies and went home without any wage. Muke complained the police about the incident but no action has been initiated till date. Rather the JE tried to force Muke withdraw the case by alluring with some money followed by threatening her to kill, as Muke alleged several times. Still no action by the local Police! Afraid of any nuisance from the JE Muke left her parental home and preferred to go into hiding. Who will ensure Muke live peacefully in her own land? On this backdrop, should the police be surprised if it finds Muke in Maoist Camp?

When governments at the centre and the states are high sounding about different programmes implemented for the development of tribal people living in the forests and most backward areas, Muke’s story says how effectively they are implemented and what benefit the tribal people do really get. What will happen when the implementing officers turn to be exploiters as JE Prasanta Gauda turned to Muke? However, Muke’s story is just a tip of the iceberg. Development projects in backward and forest areas are hardly visible. Money is, mostly, spent in paper. Even today tribals use to cross long pedestrian way in jungles to visit a hospital, the nearest market and any public service office. Basic infrastructure is still a dream in many villages.

Police *****istration in the naxal dominated districts or a block is nothing better than the behaviour of the red radicals. When red radicals do impose their thoughts and wishes on the people, police do act equally as government sponsored terrorising body. Always blaming the government for not upgrading with modern equipment matching the armed Maoists, police do harass common people whenever it gets a chance. In most cases it harass the innocent tribals in the name of naxal supporter, informer or sympathiser. In the recent crossfire and combing operation, number of reports came when police harassed local people suspecting their link with the Maoists. Leave apart the innocent and illiterate tribals, the behaviour of police in general is so rude and inhuman that even educated civilised people living in cities and towns try their level best to keep themselves away from police. Most people do not wish to go to police till it becomes inevitable or essential.

In 2005, this author visited Rayagada - one of the Naxal dominated districts of Orissa. It was around 6 pm that the Reserve Police Battalion in the town had blocked the road by putting a timber on wooden forks. There was no board or anything to indicate why the road was blocked. There was nobody nearby and one of us just went to get someone and ask why the road was blocked. Soon a voice came from the darkness – “don’t touch that, we will go for an encounter”. We were shocked with such behaviour of Orissa Police. In the outskirts and rural places, police terrorise tribals and common people in a similar way instead of providing them security and helping as their protector.

So the total system of governance acts as an alien system ruling over people. Freedom doesn’t mean anything to the poor tribals as the *****istration is never for the people or with the people, rather exploiter of people. Such a system of governance is mainly responsible for growing frustration among downtrodden towards the political and *****istrative system in the country.

The other major issue is wide economic disparity in Indian society. Hardly 10% of country’s population has accumulated 80% of the total wealth where as rest 90% do possess only 20%. But the per capita income index is decided as an average of wealth and income which is hardly true in case of more than 60% Indians living in rural and remote India. Wealth in the hands of 10% has a steady or fast growth as the rich segment basically influences economic policies. On the other side, the economic condition of tribals, peasantry and poor class is continuously deteriorating. The gap between poor and rich is widening fast and breaking the society into two distinct economies. This wide economic disparity is one of the major reasons why urban youth is also getting into naxal fold.

But instead of looking into all these factors, political leadership try to hide all these and emphasize their own views created to draw maximum political gain. When there was uproar in Orissa Assembly on the naxal attack in Nayagarh and Opposition in the house highlighted the socio economic issues prevalent in tribal dominated backward districts, Orissa CM Naveen Pattnaik over-ruled the issues as factor behind growing Naxalism. He placed his decision for strong police action against Maoists as the right decision. But will strong police action end Naxalism in the country? Police would kill 10, 100 or 1000 cadres in a year. But there is an inflow of more numbers into the Maoist fold every year. How it can be rightly combated is by proving their ideology of revolutionary socialism irrelevant in the country. And that can be possible by ensuring a pro-people governance system in the country, a pro-people police that works to ensure law and order and protect people from any strike by evil elements of society, an accountable and committed political leadership and bureaucracy to plan area-wise need-based development programmes and ensure that the benefits of development reach the targeted beneficiaries, creating opportunities for people to earn their livelihood.

It seems, political leaders are more focused on power than issues of people. When we say India is the largest democracy in the world what we (majority of population who live with poverty and misery) are compelled to believe is that India is still ruled by an unruly colonial government run by a few natives. The *****istration and political system must change itself drastically to make India a real democratic nation that is run by people and that cares for people. This would be only way to prove the ideology of revolutionary socialism irrelevant in India and end the Maoist socialist movement.

Much before Rahul Gandhi started his campaign from Nuapada, once a part of Kalahandi, to discover poverty his parents tried to discover the reasons in acute poverty that forced a woman to sell her husband’s minor sister – a case that took pace about twenty five years ago in Bangamunda, a remote sleepy village of Kalahandi in Orissa. It was after the visit of Rajiv Gandhi and Sonia that Kalahandi became the world icon of poverty.

On 21st June 1985, the then Prime Minister of India, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi along with his wife Mrs. Sonia Gandhi visited the thatched mud house of Chhabi Punji in Bangamunda being moved by a sensational report of a minor girl being sold out to a poorer half blind middle aged man of a nearby village. To the local people, who were completely almost ignorant about the world outside their village, the very magic of their visit transformed this almost unknown village into a glittering fairy land as it brought, all on a sudden, an approach road, water and other amenities that people of Bangamunda had never dreamt of and changed the shape and status of the place, even though they all lasted for a while only.

The report that brought Rajiv and Sonia was nothing but an unethical, misinterpreted presentation of a marriage on the traditional caste system meant to sensationalise the usual incident as a case of girl trading happened under the pangs of unbearable poverty. As the reports explained, a lady named Fanas Punji was almost compelled under acute poverty to sell out her only sister of her husband Banita to a supposedly rapacious trader Bidya Podha who was, in reality, surviving on begging. Both Government and private, national and international sympathisers started showering their blessings, often expressed in terms of money, on Fanas who had already turned famous for selling her sister-in-law Banita to a 40 years old semi-blind poor man. Kalahandi soon became the hot spot in the world poverty map making it eligible for grants and aids amounting over thousands of crores. But the irony of this whole drama was, none including the watch dog media, bothered to guess the fate of Banita, the central character and a minor girl who had not yet come of age but allegedly sold out to a poorer man under compulsion and pressure from her brother and his wife?

In reality, it was not a child trade, rather a customary marriage on the caste traditions of the relevant community, the Podhas. As per the Parja custom of the community, the groom has to pay a bridal price to the family of the bride at the time of marriage – an inverse system of present day dowry. In the said case, the sister-in-law Fanas had forced Banita to get married to an almost blind, middle-aged man, Bidya Podha of neighbouring village Khatimunda, in exchange of a sum of Rs.40 only as parja. It was neither unholy nor illegal trading but a marriage as per the customs and traditions of the Podhas. But the media, unaware about the caste tradition and eager to create sensation, was all set to make it a big hit by misinterpreting the whole affair. The scribes didn’t even try to record the statements or versions of Bidya Podha, Banita and others who could explain the reality. It was rather apprehensive that truth could become a splash of cold water on the flames of sensationalism.

A visit to the schedule caste hamlet of remote village Khatimunda, the present abode of Vidya Podha and Banita with their 5 children, after a lapse of twenty four years revealed another story or, may be, the other side of the much hyped tale that pulled the then Prime minister and his band to this almost unknown village. It also revealed how our spice hungry media can cook up stories to create hype without any regard for the sensitive detail of the reality. It makes us realize how blind we are to the expectations, hopes, aspirations, sorrows and sufferings of our so called common but down trodden folks and even to our own responsibilities.

Bidya and Banita are now living peacefully, although not comfortably, in the village Khatimunda with their five offspring (three daughters, Kalabati, Jamboobati, Khurnani, and two sons Kalinga and Nalina). None of the members feel themselves either victims or victimizers of any illegal trade as publicized by the media. Kalabati has turned 16. Banita, with her little income from cooking at Mohara Anganwari centre, is now looking for some support for her daughter’s marriage. Eldest son Kalinga is now a daily wage labourer. As first and only in the family, youngest daughter Khurnani is going to the newly started village primary school. Here again, only one teacher is posted to look after the students from standard one to five. But the elections in India are now being fought on issues of development.

Requesting the officials and the local leaders including his adopting father Bhakta Charan Das, Banita managed to approve official support to build her house under Indira Awash Yojana. But out of 22000 rupees to be disbursed in 3 phases, Banita has received only 10000 rupees and she still wanders what happened to the rest amount? If this is how the development programmes work in Kalandi, how many years and how much of money it will take to remove poverty from the district?

When we talked to the couple, they showed us the other side of this tragic yarn. As per Banita, when the whole family was living on the little income of her brother Chhabi she became the heaviest burden to the family and specifically to her brother’s wife Phanas. In order to get rid of the burden in form of Banita, Phanas supported the marriage even though she knew that Bidya Podha is poorer than Chhabi. And Banita didn’t oppose to it as she was also concerned about the future of her brother’s children.

Banita put all blame for her misery on the media and said, “In the heat and sound of the happenings everyone forgot about me.  If at all it was a child trade, then Fanas was the culprit and I was the victim. You people had no sympathy for me! Was she rewarded for having sold me? Did anyone consider ever, whether I was sold or married or thrown into the pool of misery. I was placed in the hand of a blind, middle-aged man because Fanas was attracted by the exorbitant parja offered to her.  Now I am sick and suffering because of my poor conditions, my yearly delivery of children. Am I not poor? Am I not suffering? Do you know you press-walas have made my life worse?  You made Fanas rich leaving me to starve. When you got bored with her story you started haunting my children and my family. Wherever my children went for a job, you people landed up there to deliberately identify them and shout with your slogans against child labour. People are now afraid of talking to us. You people have earned your bread well by snatching it out of our mouths. Now, please leave us to our misery and stop pestering us. Twenty four years ago you could not see things properly. Your chhabi baboos (photographers) didn’t have the courage to capture my poverty and present it. Even Indira Maa’s bohu Sonia came to Fanas, sympathised her (for sacrificing me!) and rewarded that villain with lots of money, but could not see or realize my sufferings.  Even though she is a woman, she could not see the misery of another woman sacrificed to save her brother’s offspring. No one could see my misery. Were all of you blind then? Why you are coming to me again and again? Can you give my son an employment? Can you help me marrying my daughter?” Banita started blasting with questions.

No more interested to face the media and reply to any question of the scribes, Bidya Podha explained in anguish “You baboos came and changed our life and our story. You described our marriage an illegal trade. It brought still bigger baboos to Bangamunda, Banita’s parental village and also brought Indira Maa’s bohu. She started crying with Fanas and took food inside her house with nice chhabi baboos (photographers) all around.  Everyone sympathized with her and gave her money, clothes, land and so many things.  Because she was poor (!), so poor that she had to sacrifice her husband’s sister, Banita to feed her two children! But what about Banita who had fallen into a more harsh state of poverty! Even the brother and sister-in-law of Banita, who didn’t hesitate to grasp the benefit by terming our marriage an illegal trading, they forgot us! It all happened because I am a more poor and helpless man”. Chhabi Punji, the brother of Banita as well as husband of Fanas was just sitting beside without any word challenging what Bidya said at the time.

This story of Banita and Bidya unveiled the harsh impact of our publicity crazy leadership and sensation crazy reportage on poor people struggling for at least one square meal a day. Banita had been used as a scapegoat by Fanas who always bothered for her own comfort, her children and husband. But no body saw the other but truthful side of the story. Banita was sided to live with misery although the whole story was centred on her life. She has nothing to say now except giving a faint smile of anguish, sorrow and helplessness to everybody who joined the political leadership in the weird carnival that masquerades the villains as heroes.

Banita’s misery is lot more similar to the poverty in Kalahandi. Banita’s life might have gone into misery since her marriage has been termed as trading of a girl, but this incident changed the fate of many in Kalahandi as the district soon became the destination of innumerable special grants to remove poverty. Bhakta Charan Das who became the adopting father has come a long way in his political journey. NGOs thrived in the district by selling poverty and misery of the people.

In these twenty four years, Kalahandi has heard many declarations and promises. Huge amount of money came, but the district is still the poorest of the poor state Orissa. Klahandi has only become a ladder for politicians, bureaucrats and so called development professionals. But the district couldn’t see any major change even though 1000 crores of rupees have been poured into the State of Orissa in its name. Even the much publicized victim of poverty Banita Punji is still struggling to feed her husband and children. Banita still wanders, what happened after Sonia and Rajiv visited her paternal house? Why she had to pay for the selfish attitude of her brother’s wife?

INDIA - West Bengal Police somehow succeeded in arresting Chhattradhar Mahato, chief of a Maoist-backed body that leads the tribal movement in trouble-torn belt of West Bengal, posing some of its officials as journalists.

Arresting Mahato is definitely a big success for the police force, as explained by West Midnapore district police superintendent Manoj Verma, but arresting Mahato in camouflage of journalists would have its reverse impact on journalism professionals in accomplishing their jobs.

As the reports on the event explain, two police officers, camouflaging themselves as journalists, went to the area where Mahato had agreed to give an interview to a select group of media persons and pounced on Mahato at an opportune time. But, why as journalists who use to take more risk than the empowered police officials in reporting the problems and issues of people leaving in Maoist controlled remote places where administration and armed police forces do not often dare to go?

It could be West Midnapore, Bankura or Purulia in West Bengal, Sundergarh, Koraput or Malkangiri in Orissa, Dantewada or Bastar in Chhattisgarh, Police officials opt not to be posted in remote Police Stations, Government officials seek cancellation of their posting or remain on long leave, political leaders keep themselves away from such places and occasionally visit such areas accompanied by huge security personnel. But the journalist or media person can never avoid visiting such places like the government officials do nor can by provided with security, as provided to the leaders, to visit such localities. But the journalist goes to such remote places, talk to people and their ideologues and bring their issues to a larger audience or readership who we mean public.

Take the example of Narayanpatna in Koraput where finally the tribal community reacted to the negligence, harassment and apathetic attitude of the government machinery since many decades by forcibly acquiring the land that was once occupied by their forefathers. Immediately after the incident, there was a landmine blast that killed 10 people including 9 Jawans. Narayanpatna then became inaccessible to administration and police. Even, local police was afraid to come out and move in the public. But the reporters tried their best to report incidents that happened in Narayanpatna. They reported the plight of non-tribal communities living in and around Narayanpatna, incident of the Block Office being ransacked and looted etc.

Whenever a journalist or a group of journalists got a chance to meet a Maoist cadre, they always wanted to know the reasons behind the movement and came up with suggestions for the government to find ways for a long term solution. Many of the journalists risked their life on many occasions to inform the larger public about the reasons behind the growth of Maoist movement and their objectives and plans to achieve them. Always, the journalists tried to come up with fresh clues for the Public, for the Police and the Administration.

But, after the West Bengal incident, Police of other Maoist inflicted states like Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Maharastra, Orissa, Jharkhand etc would put the media professionals under its scanner and also would try to imitate the same formula to trap the senior cadres. Even now, Police has put many of the journalists under its scanner and, on many occasions, booked journalists on charges of Maoist connection.

The fresh such instance occurred in Orissa’s Gajapati district where a journalist Laxman Chaudhury - Mohana Block Reporter of a leading Oriya daily was arrested on charges of Maoist connection. Reason behind the charge is that some eight leaflets allegedly released by the Maoists were carried by a bus conductor who was told to hand over the leaflets to Laxman. The statement was given by the Bus conductor and Police put the charge on the journalist on basis of this statement only, arrested the journalist and forwarded to Jail.

Now, the formula applied by the West Bengal Police would make a journalist face serious problems at the other end while reporting people’s issues and problems in Maoist dominated areas. The journalists would now be under Maoist scanner and would be suspected as police informer or planted by police. If things happen like this, it will not only restrict the media persons from doing their professional job, but also deprive the poor and downtrodden communities living in remote forest villages of finding someone who can, possibly, make their issues reach public, planners and the corridors of power.